According
to Article 17(1), Committee members are to be individuals of "high
moral standing and competence in the field covered by the Convention."
[n52] Furthermore, in the selection of experts, consideration
is given to equitable geographical distribution, as well as to
representation of different legal systems. [n53] While Committee
members are nominated [*140] by their governments, they are to
serve in their personal capacity, not as delegates or representatives
of their countries of origin. n54 This is to ensure that their
primary interest is to promote women's human rights rather than
to promote individual States' policies.
Under Article
18, States Parties are required to submit to CEDAW a report that
explains the legislative, judicial, and administrative measures
that they have adopted to give effect to the Convention, as well
as information on obstacles that were encountered. [n55] Without
the reports, CEDAW does not have information on and cannot review
the status of women's human rights in the States. Unlike the International
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination,
[n56] the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman,
or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, [n57] and the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, [n58] the Convention has
no right of petition that would allow individuals to make complaints
about violations. [n59] Since there is no individual petition
process and no other real means for judicial enforcement of the
Convention, reporting is the only tool available for inducing
States to comply with their treaty obligations.
Ideally, the
reporting process can be a dynamic force for change within a State:
Preparation of the report should provide an opportunity for review
of domestic law, policy and practice to determine the extent to
which the standards of the Convention have been met. It allows
for monitoring, assessment and evaluation of the strategies put
in place to advance the Convention's ideals and provides an opportunity
for accurate assessment of the problems that impede the implementation
of the Convention. Strengths and weaknesses are submitted to public
scrutiny, while consideration of the report by CEDAW provides
a forum for discussion with a wholly independent body whose [purpose]
is to provide constructive assistance so that States meet their
treaty obligations. [n60]
In order to
facilitate the production of reports, CEDAW has adopted guidelines
for the form and content of the reports. [n61] The guidelines
for [*141] the initial reports, which States must submit within
one year of ratification, require States Parties to give CEDAW
specific information regarding each of the Convention's sixteen
substantive articles. The Committee does not just look for a list
of implemented instruments, but also for an analysis of the success
of such instruments. [n62] Furthermore, the Committee wants a
full and frank discussion of any reservations made by the State
Party to the Convention. [n63]
In 1988, Guidelines
for the Preparation of Second and Subsequent Reports were issued
by CEDAW at its 7th session. In their second and subsequent reports,
States Parties should focus on the period between the consideration
of their previous report up to the date of preparation of their
current one. [n64] In addition, provision 3 of the CEDAW guidelines
states:
In their periodic reports States Parties should have regard to
the previous report and to the proceedings of the Committee in
regard to that report, and should include inter alia the following:
a) legal and other measures adopted since the previous report
to implement the Convention;
b) actual progress made to promote and ensure the elimination
of discrimination against women;
c) any significant changes in the status and equality of women
since the previous report;
d) any remaining obstacle to the participation of women on an
equal basis with men in the political, social, economic and cultural
life of their country;
[*142] e) matters raised by the Committee and which could not
be dealt with at the time when the previous report was considered.
[n65]
The guidelines are intended to give the Committee a clear picture
of the status of women's human rights in the reporting country.
Without the information requested in the guidelines, CEDAW will
not be able to assess the progress or setbacks in women's human
rights, and can neither effectively monitor nor give recommendations
to help women in the reporting State.
Once a State
submits its report, CEDAW, in a pre-sessional working group composed
of five CEDAW members, prepares a list of issues and sets of questions
based on the guidelines to be asked of the State. [n66] The pre-sessional
working group meets for a week before the full CEDAW session,
where the entire Committee meets with State representatives to
discuss the submitted report. [n67] Under Article 20, the Committee
as a whole is required to meet at the United Nations Headquarters
in New York once a year for two weeks in January; at this session,
CEDAW is supposed to handle all of its full meetings with State
Representatives. [n68] However, since 1996, CEDAW has met twice
a year, once in January and once in July, because of its inability
to finish its business in the two weeks allotted under Article
20. [n69]
During the
CEDAW sessions, the Committee considers the State's reports in
a presentation and examination session aimed at establishing and
maintaining a constructive dialogue between CEDAW and the reporting
State. [n70] Government representatives spend approximately thirty
minutes introducing the report and any additional information
to CEDAW. [n71] Following this introduction, CEDAW members make
general comments on the report as a whole, as well as on any reservations
made to the [*143] Convention by the State Party. [n72] CEDAW
members also consider the report on an article-by-article basis,
asking questions on the implementation of the articles as well
as requesting further information or clarification. At the end
of this session, the government representatives of the reporting
State may decide either to reply immediately to the questions
asked by CEDAW or to provide answers at a meeting scheduled one
or two days later. [n73] At this later meeting, CEDAW members
may ask further questions or may suggest that any remaining unanswered
questions be addressed in the State Party's next report.
The above
question-and-answer session is "intended to create a constructive
atmosphere in which information, experiences, ideas and suggestions
are exchanged in a joint effort to implement the Convention in
the reporting State." [n74] CEDAW intends for the session
to address a wide variety of issues facing women in the reporting
State, including issues not addressed by the State report:
In asking
questions and raising a broad variety of issues, the Committee
members as experts in their individual capacity are not limited
to the information provided to them in the report submitted by
the State Party. They can and do use other information, such as
information reported by specialized agencies, other governmental
and non-governmental sources, their own personal knowledge and
other sources. The purpose of the consideration is ... to contribute
in a joint effort to the advancement of women and to the implementation
of the rights contained in the Convention. [n75]
In order to
fully address the Convention during this question-and-answer session,
CEDAW relies heavily on the work of NGOs. According to one member
of the Committee,
NGOs greatly aid CEDAW's experts in their work by sharing information
about the situation of women in different countries and by supporting
CEDAW's decisions in international fora. NGOs in different countries
have developed their own experts on CEDAW and provide, on a regular
basis, special reports on the countries on CEDAW's agenda....
NGOs around the world have invited CEDAW experts to participate
in various conferences they have organized on the Convention and
its importance for the development of the human rights contained
in the Convention. The Committee considers the support of NGOs
and women's human rights activists invaluable in the combined
effort to promote the Convention and increase awareness of and
information on women's human rights. [n76]
[*144] Thus the reporting process has become more than just a
dialogue between States Parties and CEDAW; the dialogue has also
been extended to women and women's NGOs.
D. Problems of the Convention-Dictated Enforcement Mechanisms
Critics have
questioned whether the reporting process is an effective method
of enforcement. First, the consideration of a State's report by
CEDAW is contingent upon the submission of a report by the State
Party. [n77] Without a report from a given State, it is of course
far more difficult to know about the status of women's human rights
in that State. Unfortunately, many States are behind in fulfilling
their reporting obligation; some have not even submitted a single
report. [n78] Even when reports are submitted, countries under
scrutiny are sensitive to any criticisms by CEDAW and are inclined
to portray the status of women and the measures that they have
taken in an unjustifiably favorable manner. [n79] Moreover, the
accuracy of the reports has been questioned since they are prepared
and presented by government officials who often do not include
controversial matters in their reports. [n80]
There is also
criticism of the Committee's procedures once it receives a State's
report, especially concerning the Committee's limited meeting
time. A report submitted to CEDAW will probably not be reviewed
for a number of years, even with the present situation of overdue
reports. [n81] Moreover, the time taken to review the report is
limited: "When [CEDAW] eventually reviews the report, its
consideration, if it is a first report, will involve two meetings;
and if it is a subsequent report, it will be considered in one
meeting." [n82] The Committee characterized the reporting
problems with the following statement:
The backlog
of reports, which itself creates a disincentive to report, and
the expedition of their review are explained by article 20 of
the Convention, which stipulates that the Committee shall normally
meet annually no more than two weeks, a restriction which affects
no other human rights treaty body. Some of the [*145] difficulties
posed by this restriction include additional burdens on reporting
States, which are forced to update reports that, when introduced
by them to the Committee, are often several years out of date.
[n83]
The Committee has attempted to resolve these problems and has
requested (although no response has been given to this request)
through the General Assembly an amendment to Article 20 of the
Convention. [n84]
Furthermore,
the Committee's reluctance to adopt formal recommendations and
its lack of authority to interpret the substantive provisions
of the Convention have raised questions regarding its ability
to facilitate change in a State and to enforce the rights of women
once it has reviewed the reports. "The Committee can formulate
general analyses of the Convention's substantive provisions but
has no power to authoritatively interpret them. In addition, it
has no quasi-judicial power to pronounce a state in violation
of the Convention." [n85] CEDAW members often make informal
recommendations to States upon reviewing their reports, but not
formal recommendations or suggestions directed at individual States,
because no procedure exists for formulating written comments on
reports. [n86]
Despite all
of the criticisms of the Committee and the reporting process,
the reporting process remains the only way to enforce the Convention.
Therefore, it is important to explore what this enforcement procedure
can do and consider how it can be strengthened. In fact, examination
of a State's report under a treaty can provide an occasion for
exerting domestic and international pressure on the State. [n87]
With a certain amount of preparation by NGOs, the proceedings
before CEDAW and the process of reporting can be used quite effectively.
[n88] Part II presents a case in which a country's lack of adherence
to its reporting obligations under the Convention, in addition
to the lack of rights for women in the country, led to pressure
by NGOs and, consequently, to greater protection for women's rights
in that State.
II. CASE STUDY: BANGLADESH AND ITS LESSONS
Bangladesh
ratified the Women's Convention in 1984. The periodic reports
submitted by Bangladesh to CEDAW, as required by the Convention,
illustrate both the benefits and the problems of the reporting
system. As will be seen, Bangladesh has been inconsistent in abiding
[*146] by its obligations under the Convention, especially in
its reporting. However, as women's activism in Bangladesh has
grown and become more targeted, the country has moved toward greater
adherence to its obligations under the Convention. The record
of the interaction between Bangladeshi NGOs and the government
of Bangladesh is a particularly revealing account of a State that
initially failed to protect women's human rights but has since
responded favorably to activism by women's NGOs.
Bangladesh
is a nation fraught with social and economic problems such as
low literacy rates, high poverty, and high unemployment. [n89]
On top of this already difficult situation, women in Bangladesh
have enjoyed little protection of their fundamental human rights
and often experience violence and discrimination. [n90] Despite
these problems, for a number of years, the State failed to take
any steps to ensure the rights of women or to abide by its obligations
under the Convention.
In 1993, Bangladesh
presented its Second Periodic Report [n91] ("Second Report")
to CEDAW. The Second Report had numerous mistakes and gaps. [n92]
Its structure and scanty length might have led one to question
how seriously the government of Bangladesh took its responsibility
to women's equality. While the government admitted that women
in Bangladesh were discriminated against by their parents, husbands
and sons, and by cultural and social norms, there seemed to be
little consideration of the causes of and solutions to discrimination
against Bangladeshi women.
By contrast,
the combined Third and Fourth Periodic Report [n93] ("New
Report"), presented to CEDAW in July 1997, was a dramatic
improvement. After the presentation of the Second Report, CEDAW
had urged the government to "improve its reporting procedures
by seeking technical assistance in preparation of the report and
by providing more detailed information in its third periodic report."
[n94] Not only is the New Report written in accordance with Article
18 of the Convention, but there [*147] is also an analysis of
the situation of women under all of the Articles of the Convention.
[n95]
Significantly, there were changes made in the New Report's preparation
process, notably the involvement of representatives of women's
NGOs. [n96] This involvement had both national and international
aspects. The global women's movement and national women's NGOs
worked, and continue to work, hand in hand to improve Bangladeshi
women's lives.
The changes in the government's approach to women's human rights
and in its preparation of the New Report leads one to inquire
into the reasons for these changes: What factors propelled the
government of Bangladesh to be more responsive to women's issues
under the Convention? Understanding these factors may enable women's
rights activists to more successfully advocate within other States
for greater responsiveness to the Convention as well. This Part
analyzes the changes that have led to and occurred in the New
Report and in the government's attitude toward its international
obligations, and also assesses the involvement of women's NGOs
as a factor in such changes.
A. The
Second Report: Bangladesh's Noncompliance with Its Convention
Obligations
Bangladesh's Second Report failed to provide adequate information
on the human rights situation of Bangladeshi women. The report
purported to examine the legislative and administrative measures
adopted in relation to Article 16 of the Convention, ignoring
the other fifteen substantive articles. [n97] Overall, the report,
a short thirteen-page description of women's status in Bangladesh,
did not address most of the provisions of the Convention. It did
not meet the guidelines outlined in Article 18 of the Convention
nor did it meet the 1988 Guidelines that were issued by CEDAW
at its seventh session. [n98]
First, Bangladesh's
Second Report, with mostly outdated statistics, did not comply
with provision 2 of the CEDAW guidelines. [n99] The introduction
to the Second Report gave a very brief list of gender-disaggregated
statistics in the areas of labor force participation, literacy,
educa [*148] tion, life expectancy, and political participation.
[n100] The statistics were somewhat useful in depicting women's
lower status in society and women's participation in the aforementioned
areas, but were also incomplete since they only provided information
from 1974 to 1985 (the report was presented in 1993). In addition,
while some of the legal measures adopted were mentioned, the report
did not include the information and specifics requested in the
Guideline's provision 3(b)-(e). [n101]
CEDAW pointed
out some of the problems of the report, including the fact that
the guidelines regarding report form and content were not followed.
CEDAW stated:
When the initial report of Bangladesh was presented, many questions
were posed to its representative. Some of those were answered
immediately but many were left unanswered on the basis that the
second periodic report would provide the information needed. Generally
speaking, the unanswered questions have not been commented on
in the second periodic report. [n102]
The lack of
adequate information was apparent in the questions posed by CEDAW
to the government. While commending Bangladesh on enactment of
laws to prevent violence against women, the Committee asked the
government representatives about the extent to which the problem
of violence against women contributed to Bangladeshi women's lower
life expectancy, but received no adequate response. [n103] Such
a question was particularly significant, in light of information
given to CEDAW by NGOs that revealed that women are more likely
to die from violence than die in childbirth. [n104] Yet, violence
as a contributing factor to women's lower life expectancy was
not addressed in the report.
Another problematic aspect of the Second Report was an apparent
lack of understanding of the Convention. [n105] The critical articles
of the [*149] Convention were never mentioned. Instead of detailing
the measures required by the Convention, the report made broad
generalizations such as: "The Government of Bangladesh has
enacted and amended various necessary laws. These are in conformity
with the provision of the U.N. Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the U.N. Decade
of Women." [n106] There was no mention of what these necessary
laws provide nor how they conform with the Convention.
The report
also failed to address legal discrimination against women in Bangladesh.
During the government's report to the Committee, the Bangladeshi
government representatives admitted to discriminatory provisions
in Bangladesh's personal laws. [n107] Questions posed by CEDAW
in response to the Second Report highlighted some of the other
discriminatory aspects of the law. [n108]
Bangladesh
made some other major omissions in the Second Report. First, there
was little mention of the role of NGOs or women's NGOs in attempting
to aid women in Bangladesh. Second, the issue of Bangladesh's
reservations to the Convention was not addressed. [n109] As is
[*150] clear from the questions and concerns of CEDAW, this was
a major omission by Bangladesh and perhaps best demonstrated its
lack of understanding of its obligations under the Convention.
In its response to the Bangladesh report, CEDAW stated:
While the Government of Bangladesh ratified the Convention making
reservations to articles 2, 13(a) and 16, paragraphs 1(c) and
(f), during the presentation of its initial report, at the sixth
session of the Committee in 1987, members had consistently questioned
the need to retain the reservations to article 2. Members asked
the Government to study article 2 with a view to including in
its subsequent reports its comments on the legislation or other
structures that were preventing it from implementing that article
fully. The second periodic report of the Government of Bangladesh
makes no comment on the reasons for retaining this reservation
and it has not been withdrawn. [n110]
The response of the Bangladeshi government to CEDAW's concerns
about reservations was that the provisions of Articles 2 and 16
of the Convention could not be adopted because they involve religious
practices; these reservations thus allowed continuing discrimination.
This alleged inconsistency between Islam and Articles 2 and 16
of the Convention [n111] was not addressed in the government's
report.
While in its
Second Report Bangladesh claimed to have demonstrated its commitment
to improving women's status and ensuring a move toward women's
equality, it was not apparent that the State had a full understanding
of this commitment. The fact that Bangladesh had been weak in
protecting human rights, mainly due to poverty, was apparent.
However, particular barriers within the State structure that could
hinder women's rights were not acknowledged. While Bangladesh
was frank concerning some problems facing its women, the majority
of problems faced by Bangladeshi women were largely ignored.
B. The Process of Change
Following
the Second Report and in line with preparations for the Fourth
World Conference on Women [n112] ("Beijing Conference"),
women's NGOs in Bangladesh stepped up their efforts to hold the
govern [*151] ment accountable for its obligation to protect women's
rights. [n113] Bangladeshi women's NGOs involvement in monitoring
their government began during preparations for Beijing and continued
up until the preparation of the New Report. Moreover, even after
the preparation of this report, women's NGOs in Bangladesh have
continued to pursue progress in women's human rights. [n114]
1. The Pre-Beijing
Movement. - In preparation for Beijing, women's organizations
in Bangladesh formed an NGO preparatory forum in November 1993.
[n115] The preparatory forum consisted of an extensive multi-pronged
mobilization process, including three major activities. [n116]
First, a series of workshops on the Convention and women's human
rights were held at both the local and national levels. [n117]
All of the workshops extended invitations to the government of
Bangladesh in the hopes of building an interactive process in
which both civil society and the government could become sensitized
to women's issues. [n118] Second, newsletters about women's human
rights were written by the Bangladeshi NGOs and widely distributed
around the country. [n119] Third, a media campaign was conducted
both to sensitize the media and to allow women activists to write
articles for the newspapers. [n120]
With concerted
activities, women's NGOs in Bangladesh were able to assert some
influence over the government in the government's prepara [*152]
tion for Beijing. [n121] While the government's preparation for
Beijing was weak, effective mobilization by the Bangladeshi NGOs
put them in a strong position to build a mechanism to hold the
government account able for protecting and guaranteeing women's
rights. [n122] Many national women's NGOs, such as Naripokho,
[n123] reached out to local women's organizations around the country.
Activists at the national level who became involved in preparations
for the Beijing Conference felt that their involvement afforded
them greater legitimacy and thus an opportunity to reach local-level
women's organizations, many of which were long ignored in their
struggles for improved human rights. [n124]
2. Beijing
and After: A Catalyst for Change. - The Beijing Conference was
an important turning point for women's human rights generally,
and particularly for the rights of women in Bangladesh. [n125]
Beijing impelled both the government and women's NGOs to step
up their actions to help women. According to the Secretary of
the Ministry of Women and Children's Affairs (MOWCA), Beijing
made a significant impact on Bangladesh because it mapped the
Bangladeshi context so closely - the issues identified in the
Beijing Platform for Action [n126] in fact matched [*153] many
people's perceptions about women's human rights in Bangladesh.
[n127]
Following
Beijing, Bangladesh's government began to formulate a National
Action Plan (NAP) [n128] in order to implement both the commitments
made under the Beijing Platform and those made under the Women's
Convention. [n129] According to the Beijing Platform, governments
have the primary responsibility for implementing measures to protect
women's human rights:
Governments have the primary responsibility for implementing the
Platform for Action. Commitment at the highest political level
is essential for its implementation, and Governments should take
a leading role in coordinating, monitoring and assessing progress
in the advancement of women. The Fourth World Conference on Women
is a conference of national and international commitment and action.
This requires commitment from Governments and the international
community. The Platform for Action is part of a continuing process
and has a catalytic effect as it will contribute to programmes
and practical outcomes for girls and women of all ages. States
and the international community are encouraged to respond to this
challenge by making commitments for action. [n130]
The governments'
commitments for action were to be detailed in national plans of
action:
As soon as possible, preferably by the end of 1995, Governments,
in consultation with relevant institutions and non-governmental
organizations, should begin to develop implementation strategies
for the Platform and, preferably by the end of 1996, should have
developed their strategies or plans of action. This planning process
should draw upon persons at the highest level of authority in
government and relevant actors in civil society. These implementation
strategies should be comprehensive, have time-bound targets and
benchmarks for monitoring, and include proposals for allocating
or reallocating resources for implementation. Where necessary,
the support of the international community could be enlisted,
including resources. [n131]
[*154]
In order to develop the NAP, MOWCA was appointed as the coordinating
ministry. [n132] The Department of Women's Affairs also took the
initiative to follow up the commitments made at Beijing. [n133]
While MOWCA established an interministerial task force ("Task
Force"), the Department of Women's Affairs established a
working group called the Core Group to aid the Task Force in formulating
a national action plan to implement the Beijing Platform. [n134]
The importance of the Task Force and the Core Group lay largely
in the fact that they were comprised both of representatives from
the government departments and of Bangladeshi women activists.
[n135] Due to the greater flexibility of NGOs in getting projects
started and their greater access to local communities, MOWCA felt
that NGOs should play and had been playing the most significant
role in promoting women's rights. [n136]
The Core Group
worked with MOWCA to formulate a preliminary NAP. [n137] "A
synthesis document of various pre-Beijing consultations, especially
by [NGOs] ... was prepared and used for sectoral reviews and planning
exercises with various line ministries of the Government."
[n138] A national meeting which included debriefing of all the
government ministries on the Beijing Platform and its relevance
to particular ministries was held in May 1996. [n139] This was
the largest gathering of ministers [*155] and ministries at a
government meeting ever, indicating interest on the part of the
different ministries in learning about Beijing and women's issues.
[n140]
Sectoral assessment
began in August 1996 with identification of thirteen priority
ministries. [n141] Keeping in mind the Beijing Platform and the
mandate and the capacity of each Ministry, sectoral teams identified
the relevant sections of the Beijing Platform for each Ministry
and reviewed the Ministries' activities, programs, policies and
budget allocations to identify the modifications needed to accomplish
the strategic objectives outlined in the Beijing Platform. [n142]
Resource, personnel, and time requirements were noted, as were
changes in institutional structure and mandate. [n143]
The composition
of the sectoral review teams was significant. Those involved in
government, particularly bureaucrats from the actual ministry
responsible for carrying out proposed initiatives, were an integral
part of the process. [n144] In fact, the NAP was drafted by a
wide variety of actors, including MOWCA, NGOs, the NGO Preparatory
Committee for the NGO Forum for Women, the Planning Commission,
and thirteen government ministries (Agriculture, Education, Environment
and Forestry, Fisheries and Livestock, Health and Family Welfare,
Home Affairs, Industry, Labour and Manpower, Social Welfare, PMED,
Home Affairs, Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs). [n145]
The participation of members of women's organizations, human rights
groups, research organizations, professional associations, and
the private sector was especially cultivated in order to ensure
the most diverse input into the assessment process. [n146] This
was an important means not only of involving the ministries fully
in the formulation of the NAP, but also of maintaining contact
between the ministries and outside experts. Such collaboration
was critical because it better secured a real commitment to the
implementation of the NAP both on the part of activists and on
the part of the government. [n147]
[*156] 3.
The Preparation of the New Report. - The implementation of the
NAP was also connected to the implementation of Bangladesh's obligations
under the Convention. The significance of the NAP to the New Report
was twofold. First, the process of the development of the NAP
was crucial to the development of the New Report and to greater
cooperation between Bangladeshi women's NGOs and their government,
particularly MOWCA. Second, the NAP was important as a measuring
stick to gauge how seriously the government intended to narrow
the gaps (at least in writing) between full compliance with the
Convention and actual achievements that were highlighted in the
New Report. [n148]
Building on
the NAP process, MOWCA, for the first time, formed a committee
to guide the preparations of the New Report ("Report Committee").
[n149] The Report Committee included not only personnel from the
government but also three prominent activists from the women's
movement in Bangladesh. [n150]
Those in the
government, particularly in MOWCA, who had been exposed to women's
NGOs, had begun to count on NGOs to help them do their work. [n151]
The actual report was written with the aid of two consultants
hired by MOWCA and the Report Committee. [n152] The primary [*157]
consultant, Ms. Maheen Sultan, was also involved in formulating
the NAP. [n153] Also, both consultants had been involved in women's
NGOs in Bangladesh. The arrangements for preparing the New Report,
therefore, were a continuation of the collaboration between women's
NGOs and the government that had been recently formed during the
development of the NAP. [n154]
Not only were women's NGOs involved in the preparation of the
report, but they were also involved with CEDAW's analysis of the
report. International Women's Rights Action Watch-Asia Pacific
(IWRAW-AP), for example, had formed a strong bond with activists
from Bangladesh, which therefore increased their access to the
UN system. [n155] Prior to the presentation of Bangladesh's report
in July, IWRAW-AP had organized a group of Bangladeshi women to
attend the January 1997 sessions of CEDAW so that they could effectively
lobby the Committee and present committee members with accurate
accounts of the situation of women in Bangladesh. [n156] These
activists were again present at the July 1997 CEDAW sessions,
providing the Committee with information that highlighted missing
aspects of the official report. [n157]
In addition to analyzing interaction between the government and
national women's NGOs, it is important to document the role that
the relationship between domestic women's NGOs and transnational
women's NGOs played in the changes that occurred in Bangladesh's
reporting process to CEDAW. The mutually interactive process that
took place between CEDAW, Bangladeshi women activists, and transnational
women's NGOs could be the beginning of a new era in the enforcement
of the State's international obligations. [n158]
C. Results:
The New Report and Its Lessons
The results
of the process described above are pronounced. Not only has a
culture of cooperation and information-sharing developed be [*158]
tween the Bangladeshi government and women's NGOs, but the result
of this cooperation was a New Report that actually presented a
more factually accurate and fair account of the status of women's
human rights in Bangladesh. Moreover, further efforts to advance
women's human rights have been made and are continuing since the
completion of the 1997 report - evidence of the tangible benefits
of increasing cooperation between governments and women's NGOs.
1. The New
Report. - In a dramatic improvement, Bangladesh's New Report was
written in compliance with Article 18 of the Convention and the
guidelines established by CEDAW. [n159] Qualitatively, it is a
tremendous improvement over the Second Report, both with respect
to the information provided and the analysis undertaken. In addition,
the report is well-organized and fact-intensive. [n160]
The report is divided into three major sections, beginning with
a background section on Bangladesh and the status of Bangladeshi
women, which attempts to present the multi-faceted factors that
have led to violations of women's rights. The second section of
the report presents a progress report on Articles 2 through 16
of the Convention. The third section of the report is about measures
taken by the government to implement the Beijing Platform.
The government admits that "traditional cultural, social
and religious values and practices have reinforced the lower status
of women accorded to them in society and have limited their opportunities
for education, technical and vocational training, employment and
participation in the overall development process." [n161]
Moreover, the report presents the disparate effects on women of
situations such as poverty. While poverty negatively affects all,
it has a particularly pronounced effect on women because they
bear a disproportionate burden from having to manage both the
household production and consumption more often than men. [n162]
The report also notes that the role of women should not only be
conceived of in economic terms, but also in terms of education,
training and job opportunities, income, employment, assets, health,
and the role they play in the family and in society. [n163] Also,
as required by CEDAW, there are current (1990-1996) sex-disaggregated
statistics on women. [n164] [*159] The report's approach is not
only to present the statistical data but also to present some
of the factors that have led to the results. [n165]
Discussion
of Articles 2 through 16 emphasizes new legal measures, policies,
and programs to eliminate discrimination against women, as well
as remaining obstacles to achieving women's equality, including
reservations to the Convention. Bangladesh has reservations to
Articles 2, 13(a), 16(1)(a) and 16(1)(f), but all of the reservations
made to the Convention by Bangladesh are under review by MOWCA.
[n166] Regarding reservations, the New Report states:
[T]here have been many recent case[s] ... where the higher judiciary
is upholding, protecting and defending the Constitution ... restricting
the scope and application of laws that are inconsistent with the
Constitution and therefore deemed to be automatically void. Articles
16(1)(c) and 16(1)(f) are specific areas of discrimination that
are highlighted and the general provisions of equality before
the law both under Article 2 of CEDAW as well as Article 27, 28,
29 and 31 under the Constitution, are wider in their application
and scope, thereby encompassing the more specific articles. In
addition, it is also to be noted that in respect of inheritance
rights, Bangladesh has also committed itself to Article 247(d)
of the PFA as adopted in the Fourth World Conference on Women.
Therefore the obligation under Article 16(1)(f) is not new.
Since the obligations implied in the Articles 16(1)(c) and 16(1)(f)
are less than the full constitutional obligations and mandate,
when Bangladesh removes all reservations the State will not be
undertaking any new obligations or mandate. [n167]
Thus, the New Report surprisingly admits the incompatibility of
the reservations made to the Convention with the provisions in
the Constitution and also with Bangladesh's other international
obligations. [n168]
[*160] In
Bangladesh, major obstacles exist to carrying out even the basic
fundamental rights guaranteed to women under Article 2. The report
mentions obstacles in the government system and obstacles in society
in general:
Although the Government is determined to take steps to eliminate
discrimination against women through legal measures, women cannot
even enjoy those rights provided by existing laws due to the lack
of enforcement. The disparity ... arises partly from the lack
of knowledge ... about internationally and nationally recognized
women's rights and the lack of commitment by the judiciary and
law enforcement agencies. [n169]
Furthermore, procedural rules also make it difficult for women
to demand their rights. [n170]
The most significant
difference between the Second Report and the New Report is the
change in the understanding of the State's responsibility. While
the State's responsibility was weakly acknowledged in the Second
Report, in the New Report there seems to be a greater understanding
of Bangladesh's obligations to women's human rights under the
Convention. For example, the report candidly states: "Bangladesh
is committed to its international treaty obligations and the guarantees
of equality between men and women and of non-discrimination against
women contained in the U.N. Charter, the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights and other international instruments." [n171]
Rather than making blanket statements regarding the degree to
which Bangladesh has complied with the Convention, the New Report
acknowledges the country's weaknesses and lays out a plan of action
for its future.
Throughout,
the New Report expresses the State's determination to take action
to achieve full compliance with the Convention. For example, concerning
dissemination of information about the Convention, it states:
"The Government is responsible for the dissemination of information
on various human rights instruments and the legal provisions on
human rights that have been ratified." [n172] While some
human rights instruments such as the Convention have been translated
into Bangla, the New Report admits that the translation and dissemination
of such instruments had been done by NGOs and that its own efforts
so far had been limited and inadequate. [n173]
In the New
Report, recognition of Bangladesh's weaknesses in implementing
the Convention includes an understanding of the need for NGO involvement
and help. The report acknowledges the efforts of NGOs in preparing
for the Beijing Conference, in discussing the Convention, and
[*161] in reviewing reservations to the Convention. In addition,
the importance of NGO-aided training in the institutionalization
of gender training has been accepted. [n174] As the report recognizes,
gender sensitization with the help of NGOs "will be an important
means of changing attitudes toward women within the Government
and thereby changing the approach of various policies, programmes
and projects." [n175] Furthermore, the advocacy that has
been undertaken by women's organizations has been acknowledged
by the government as making it more conscious of various violence-related
issues. [n176]
The New Report
also cites the success of the NGOs in their direct efforts at
community outreach. The activities of NGO initiatives that have
created employment opportunities for women, particularly rural
and poor women, are detailed in the report. NGOs have been significant
in supplementing the government's efforts at socio-economic development.
The report states:
The importance and contribution of NGOs in national development
is well recognized and the Government seeks to utilize their services
in a coordinated way. About 18,000 NGOs are playing a creative
and innovative role in improving the conditions of the poor and
disadvantaged. [NGOs] are also involved specially in technology
dissemination and training of target groups. Some of these NGO
programmes have made marked contributions towards poverty alleviation.
[n177]
As can be seen from the above statement, the process of collaboration
between the government and NGOs that began in 1993 has led to
an increase in the government's recognition of its obligations
under the Convention and to efforts to comply with the Convention
through better reporting and through measures to advance women's
human rights. [n178]
2. Results.
- The New Report was formulated with the vision of guaranteeing
women equal access to opportunities and full enjoyment of their
human rights in order to realize the goals of equality, participation,
and sustained development. A number of positive results came about
after the preparation and presentation of the New Report; this
section will discuss a few of the changes that have taken place.
This is, however, just a beginning for implementation of the Convention
and for guaranteeing the rights of women.
Violence against
women has been recognized in the New Report as a social and cultural
pattern of conduct that is based on the view of women as inferior.
[n179] Thus, MOWCA has begun to prepare an integrated project
[*162] to address violence against women, involving the judiciary,
the police force, the medical community, and the media. [n180]
Efforts such as this evidence an increased awareness, at least
on the part of some in the government, of the barriers to equality
that arise from violence against women, and a greater sense of
accountability for the advancement of women's human rights.
Under Article
7 of the Convention, States are obliged to eliminate discrimination
against women in political life and to allow women to be eligible
for election and to hold office on an equal basis with men. [n181]
Bangladesh has taken two important steps toward fulfilling these
obligations. First, thirty of the 330 parliamentary seats have
been reserved for women. [n182] Second, an important step toward
women's political participation was made in 1997 when, for the
first time, the government allowed women to run directly for office,
especially in the important local government (union council) elections.
[n183] Turnout of women voters in these elections, held in December
1997, was unprecedented. "The provision of direct election
for women has injected a sense of self-respect and self- confidence
among them in running the day to day activities of union councils
... their views will be heard with respect." [n184] Furthermore,
NGOs have also taken part in the process to increase women's political
power:
Proshika, one of Bangladesh's largest NGOs ... will be organizing
month-long training courses from mid-February for the newly elected
women council members. The courses are to be held at the seven
divisional headquarters of the country, with financial help from
UNICEF, the U.N. children's agency.
[*163] The women will be trained to become efficient council members:
how to deal with the federal government, scrutinise government
and NGO development initiatives, tax imposition and realization,
arbitrating in small disputes, and maintenance of law and order.
With women constituting a third of union council members across
the country, a quiet revolution has taken place in Bangladesh.
[n185]
The government
has also made efforts to increase women's reproductive rights.
With the help of NGOs, Bangladesh has been rather successful in
its family planning program. [n186] Every month, the government
spends almost $12 million on its birth control program. [n187]
Furthermore, it "has trained nearly 25,000 family welfare
assistants to take the contraception message to every village
home. Their work is supervised by some 4,500 family inspectors,
and as many family welfare visitors, who are volunteers."
[n188] The National Population Council, headed by the Prime Minister,
formulated the government program in order to help women who desired
to have smaller families. Under the Bangladesh Integrated Nutrition
Program (BINP), the government has also been providing food supplements
to women and children in the hopes that "the BINP will increase
the child survival rate in Bangladesh, which in turn will lead
to improvements in women's health and lower birth rates."
[n189]
Another important step came about during the presentation of the
report to CEDAW in July 1997: Bangladesh withdrew its reservations
pertaining to Articles 13(a) and 16(1)(f) of the Convention. [n190]
However, Bangladesh still maintains its reservations to Articles
2 and 16(1)(c) of the Convention. [n191] This was quite a disappointment
to women activists [*164] who see Article 2 as an integral aspect
of State obligations under the Convention. [n192]
There is still a lack of full commitment by the State to eliminate
all forms of discrimination against women. This was evident when
the large Bangladeshi government team presented the New Report
to CEDAW in July 1997. [n193] One member of the team made clear
that Bangladesh's government would never change personal laws
in the country, despite the discriminatory aspects of the personal
laws. [n194] Therefore, women's NGOs must continue their struggle
to pressure the government and all of its different ministries
to eliminate discrimination against women.
There are
two major reasons for the disparity between the commitments to
women's rights that Bangladesh professed in its New Report and
its failure to follow up on these commitments when it presented
the report. The first reason is political. While MOWCA is one
of thirteen government ministries, it does not have the same power
and political clout as, for example, the Law Commission, one of
the most important ministries in Bangladesh. [n195] In essence,
MOWCA is just a catalyst in the process of changed government
policies toward women. MOWCA did not have a political mandate
from the other ministries to make all of the com [*165] mitments
that it made in the New Report. [n196] Neither MOWCA nor the NGOs
who worked with it on the report mobilized the necessary internal
political support and political pressure on the different government
ministries to hold them accountable for the newly expressed commitments
to women's rights. As many women's NGOs have realized, getting
standards for women's human rights implemented at the local level
is not just a matter of treaty law and international legal obligations
of States, but is rather a matter of mobilizing the State's political
will and capabilities. [n197]
The second
reason for the disparity, which is closely related to the first,
concerns the relationship formed in Bangladesh between MOWCA and
women's NGOs. The New Report, while approved by a government ministry
(MOWCA), was written by members of women's NGOs. [n198] In its
criticism of existing government policies and lack of enforcement
of the Convention, the report at times seems to resemble more
an NGO report than a government report. n199 However, when working
with governments, NGOs must also keep their separate identities
and still monitor the State's real commitments to women's human
rights. [n200] Thus, they must play roles both within the system
and outside of it.
Even prior
to the reporting in July, it was clear that Bangladeshi NGOs were
not necessarily convinced by the government's pronounced commitment
to the implementation of human rights standards. [n201] In fact,
disturbingly, the attitude of some in the government was that
it is the government's task to formulate policy in this area while
NGOs are the [*166] actual implementers of these policies. [n202]
However, under the Convention, the State is obligated both to
formulate policy and to implement that policy. [n203] While NGOs
can be helpful allies, they are not the ones with the primary
responsibility to abide by a State's treaty obligations. They
must be careful not to become a parallel State.
Maintenance
of Bangladesh's reservations to Articles 2 and 16(1)(c) highlights
the problems that are yet to be addressed by both NGOs and the
government. The process that took place between 1993 and 1997
was a significant step in advancing women's human rights, but
it will not have its full intended effect without further action
by all sectors of the government.
III. THE ROLE OF NGOs IN THE CEDAW SYSTEM
The progress
of Bangladeshi NGOs in enforcing their State's obligations under
the Convention was due in large part to the mutually interactive
process between their work and the work of international women's
organizations. While Part II concentrated on the role of domestic
NGOs, this Part addresses the role of international NGOs in implementing
the Convention.
Women are
conscious of the fact that their interests find little specific
recognition in the doctrines and institutions of the international
legal system and international relations. While women have not
been necessarily ignored, they have been spoken for by men and
by agencies and institutions that have catered to men's interests
and that men have dominated. "The invisibility of women to
States has led to their mutual alienation. States do not usually
seek a woman's perspective in policymaking, and women often do
not rely on or trust States to serve their interests." [n204]
Even modern
international human rights law, which claims to protect women's
human rights, fails to fully incorporate women's voices and secure
women's rights. Women's grievances frequently go unheard because
women are often denied a voice before an audience that is capable
of advancing international human rights law. [n205] Women's NGOs
therefore play an important role because they allow women to have
their voices heard in the international community:
Momentum for the development of women's rights is coming from
the rising generations of women who are aware of their marginalization
and their entitlement to equality. The educational function of
international human rights instruments is two [*167] fold: they
advise the powerful regarding their duties, and educate those
unaccustomed to power of their rights and means to enforce them
.... Enforcement of instruments like the Women's Convention depends
both on monumental combat before high tribunals and on the individual's
assertions of her rights. [n206]
The Convention
does not have any explicit provision for NGO input or involvement
in the enforcement of women's rights. [n207] CEDAW, however, has
attempted to open NGO access to its proceedings and has welcomed
input from NGOs. [n208] CEDAW has recognized that NGOs have a
wealth of information available to them and can often contribute
accurate data about the status of women in the States Parties.
International
and national NGOs have for some time provided information to CEDAW.
Some NGOs, such as International Women's Rights Action Watch,
have directly provided CEDAW with alternative reports. [n209]
Alternative reports not only provide CEDAW with needed independent
information from which to question States Parties, but, for many
local NGOs, alternative reports "are also useful tools for
educating the public, building coalitions, strengthening their
own methods for holding the government accountable for rights
violations, and influencing policy or law reform." [n210]
Ideally, the preparation of alternative reports should contribute
to initiatives and coalitions for women's human rights, while
the actual reports contribute to the work of CEDAW in promoting
women's human rights.
The receptivity
of CEDAW to NGO involvement has increased in its most recent sessions.
While CEDAW has yet to institute a formal process for working
with representatives from NGOs, CEDAW members have been very accessible
to NGOs and have shown an intense desire to receive information
from them such as alternative reports about reporting States.
[n211] At its 16th Session in January of 1997, the Committee decided
that the U.N. should facilitate informal meetings where NGOs could
offer information on the reporting countries. [n212] Two informal
meetings were [*168] scheduled during the 17th Session of the
Committee in July of 1997. [n213] At the commencement of the 16th
Session, the Director of the United Nations Division for the Advancement
of Women (DAW), Angela King, acknowledged NGO presence, stating:
The Committee will be taking up the important question of relations
with non-governmental organizations during its present session.
The Secretariat has prepared a thorough review of the experience
of other treaty bodies in this regard. I am pleased to note that
UNIFEM and International Women Rights Action Watch (Asia/Pacific)
have made it possible for a number of NGOs to attend this session
of the Committee .... We would therefore like to suggest that
the Committee consider holding an informal joint meeting of its
two working groups with interested NGOs .... [n214]
At the conclusion of CEDAW's session in July 1997, Angela King
said there was a revolution in CEDAW's approach to NGOs and their
contribution to its work. [n215] CEDAW decided that "it would
... welcome the input of [non-governmental] organizations....
Their role in the process should be acknowledged and their interaction
with the Committee should be formalized." [n216]
As evidenced by the Bangladesh case study, NGO participation in
the reporting process is an important factor in inducing States
to comply with their obligations under the Convention. Although
the reporting process is far from perfect, the process of reporting
and its effects do influence States when their citizens and others
in the international community, such as international NGOs, take
note of the proceedings, monitor how the State is perceived internationally,
and apply pressure to the government to improve its international
image by enforcing the Convention. [n217] The Committee also promotes
this phenomenon:
[*169] CEDAW will seek information on the role of NGOs in the
preparation of the report, whether the Convention and the obligations
that it creates are widely known in the country and whether it
has been translated into any local languages. CEDAW will usually
ask whether people at the local level have been made aware of
the contents of the report and if the report itself has been made
widely available and translated into any local languages. [n218]
CEDAW's encouragement of participation by non-government actors
is crucial in giving an opportunity to women's NGOs to participate
in the enforcement of the Convention.
Women's NGOs
are also a valuable source of reliable information, especially
when presenting alternative reports that tend to be more objective
and substantive than those submitted by the States. [n219] They
have greater contact with the local population and the least empowered
groups of women, people whom the Convention was designed to reach.
The involvement of women's NGOs makes the Convention and CEDAW's
existence better known, empowering women by making them more aware
of their rights and their State's obligations. Southard correctly
states that
with no mandate to include women in the process of implementing
[the Convention], the decision-makers in the States Parties to
[the Convention] will most likely continue to think about women
in the same old ways. Change will definitely not be effective
if women are not included in the formulation of change .... [n220]
For the past
four years women's NGOs have made a pronounced effort to have
their voices heard in the UN system and in the international human
rights community. [n221] Women's NGOs have increased their work
[*170] in regard to the CEDAW process and have made concerted
efforts to be a constructive and powerful part of the enforcement
of the Convention.
A very effective
campaign has been the one that is being implemented by IWRAW-AP
and UNIFEM. [n222] IWRAW-AP and UNIFEM had arranged for representatives
from national women's NGOs, including Bangladeshi women, from
the States presenting reports to the Committee that year to attend
the January 1997 CEDAW sessions. Again in January 1998, IWRAW-AP
and UNIFEM, one week prior to the CEDAW sessions, conducted a
training seminar for 25 women from national NGOs, educating them
about the Convention, State obligations to implement and enforce
the human rights of women, equality and non-discrimination, the
UN human rights system, treaties under international law, and
how to lobby within the UN system, specifically lobbying CEDAW.
[n223] During the January 1998 sessions, the working groups of
CEDAW, which are smaller groups of CEDAW members who review State
reports and compile questions to ask of the State representatives,
met with representatives from NGOs and used the NGO alternative
reports as guidelines for the questions they posed to the State.
[n224]
The women
from the national NGOs, who had observed the CEDAW sessions, especially
their own country's presentation, were able to make informal contacts
with Committee members and with other NGOs, to observe the dialogue
between CEDAW and the governments and to observe the development
of the concluding comments. [n225] The national activists who
attended this training found it integral to their work in helping
to enforce the Convention in their States. [n226] An NGO representative
from Morocco found that the training session allowed her to approach
her government, with which she had no previous direct contact,
and to arrange a follow-up meeting: "She felt strongly that
this approach validated her work and the work of the NGO coalition
and would strengthen their ability to approach the government
on their return [home]." [n227]
The IWRAW-AP
and UNIFEM campaign has attempted to overcome the problems of
the Convention-dictated enforcement mechanisms that were discussed
in Part I.D. The idea that women's NGOs could impact the treaty
system has been a major impetus for the program sponsored by these
two organizations. [n228] Another reason for the program was "the
extent to which CEDAW as a Committee lagged behind the Geneva-based
treaty bodies in developing formal or informal links with NGOs,
both as sources of independent information and as constituents
whose efforts [*171] strengthen women's human rights promotion
at the national and international levels." [n229]
Cooperation
between national NGOs and international NGOs can lead to effective
methods to have their voices heard both by CEDAW and by their
governments. [n230] As it did in the case of Bangladesh, such
cooperation can lead to greater compliance by governments with
obligations to protect and promote women's human rights. The contact
between CEDAW and both national and international NGOs must continue
if women's rights are to be protected. NGOs have the ability to
bring to the women's rights treaty system well-documented fact-based
information combined with honed legal analysis that addresses
the concerns expressed in the Convention. [n231] The Committee
itself, too, must work internally to overcome its weaknesses,
including its limited meeting time and weak powers to comment
on State actions or reprimand States. NGOs can be important allies
for CEDAW as it battles these problems.
CONCLUSION
Despite growth
in the protection of human rights, violations of women's human
rights continue. Therefore, it is increasingly important to take
all necessary steps to eliminate discrimination against women.
The Women's Convention is the most important legal tool available
to help alleviate problems faced by women globally. One hundred
and sixty States have ratified the Convention, taking on an international
treaty obligation to protect and promote women's human rights,
which if fully implemented could have sweeping ramifications for
the lives of women throughout the world.
The implementation
of the Convention, however, has been problematic. States have
often ignored their human rights treaty obligations. But recently,
there has been a concerted effort to increase State accountability.
Alice Miller correctly states that
there is a great interest among local and national women's groups
in using the treaty system for human rights protection, much of
it emerging from the explosive growth of human rights as the language
of empowerment for women in all regions and stoked by the dramatic
priority given to it through the world conferences. [n232]
[*172] International human rights treaties, such as the Convention,
can empower women to demand their rights, and can be used to hold
governments accountable for the protection of human rights.
NGOs may learn
from the experience of women's NGOs in Bangladesh that empowered
themselves to demand their rights. That case study shows the benefits
of a savvy strategy to increase cooperation between non-governmental
and governmental entities, thus increasing NGO access to positions
of power. The Bangladesh case study shows a maturation in the
way women's organizations worked with the government. Women's
NGOs in Bangladesh understood the need to be both in the State
and in the streets as grassroots activists. [n233] However, as
the setbacks in Bangladesh illustrated, it is also important for
NGOs to recognize the limitations of the State. As they cooperate
with the State, they must also present themselves as a political
constituency that cannot be ignored.
It is the
limitations of the State that make it crucial for national and
international women's NGOs to work together in order to focus
greater attention on women's human rights and in order to bring
greater pressure on States Parties to abide by the Convention.
International women's NGOs can and have created the process by
which change can be effected. Through concerted action they have
created a fertile field in the CEDAW system for the inclusion
of the voices of women's NGOs. Most significantly, women have
developed an enforcement mechanism for the Convention when no
real mechanism was provided for them, thereby carving out a role
for themselves in the international legal community that has been
denied to them for so long.
ENDNOTES
n1. See generally
Murtaza Mandli-Yadav, Rights: U.N.'s Mixed Findings on Progress
For Women, Inter Press Service, July 13, 1998, available in 1998
WL 5988245. The author was an intern at International Women's
Rights Action Watch-Asia Pacific during the summer of 1997. This
Note developed from work done during the internship.
n2. Just one
example of extreme abuse and oppression of women is the treatment
of women in Afghanistan by the Taliban. Afghan women, who must
always be shrouded in the head-to-toe covering of their burqa,
are not allowed to work, to leave their homes unless accompanied
by a male relative, or to go to school. These hardships on Afghan
women are further exacerbated by the fact that years of violent
fighting in Afghanistan have left tens of thousands of women without
husbands or male relatives. See Kathy Gannon, Taliban Rules Weigh
on Afghan Women, AP Online, Oct. 12, 1998, available in 1998 WL
21171108; see also EU/Afghanistan: Commission Launches New Initiatives
to Help Women, European Report, Feb. 4, 1998, available in 1998
WL 8800436.
n3. U.N. Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women,
opened for signature Mar. 1, 1980, 1249 U.N.T.S. 13 (entered into
force Sept. 3, 1981) [hereinafter "Convention" or "Women's
Convention"]. The United Nations General Assembly in a unanimous
vote adopted the Women's Convention in 1979. The Convention entered
into force as a binding treaty on September 3, 1981, after ratification
by twenty States. As of July 1997, 160 States have either ratified
or acceded to the Convention, making it among the international
human rights treaties with the most ratifications.See Committee
on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women Concludes Seventeenth
Session at Headquarters, 7-25 July, Press Release WOM/999, 359th
